Vi lanserer podcast!🎙

Fikk du ikke nok av Norsec? Ikke vi heller! I løpet av de neste ukene vil vi publisere podcaster med både nye eksperter og eksperter fra Norsec-konferansen.

NorSec 2021 podcast-serien inneholder dybdeintervjuer, presentasjoner og paneldiskusjoner fra konferansen som fant sted i mars 2021 og som tok for seg ulike sikkerhetsutfordringer et tiår etter den arabiske våren.

Hver episode fokuserer på aspekter som sosiale bevegelser, jihadisme, stormaktpolitikk og menneskerettigheter. Blant ekspertene du kan høre i vår podcastserie er: Jon Nordenson, Jacob Høigilt, Petter Nesser, Bjørn Olav Utvik, Morten Bøås, Pinar Tank, Sverre Lodgaard, Kjetil Selvik og Charlotte Lysa.

I den første podcast-episoden kan du høre YATA Oslos nestleder, Mathea Reine-Nilsen, og Jon Nordenson snakke om den kritiske rollen som internettaktivisme hadde før, under og etter den arabiske våren. Jon Nordenson er ekspert i Midtøsten og Nord-Afrika. Han vil snakke om sosiale mediers rolle under den arabiske våren, og hvordan aktivisme på nettet har utviklet seg over tid, i lys av både teknologiske fremskritt og hendelser som krigen mot terror og COVID-19-pandemien.

Hvis du ikke fikk med deg alt fra NorSec eller vil høre noe igjen, kan du høre dette i podcastformat under samme bruker, eller du kan se det på youtube-kanalen vår her.

15. april Three Seas Initiative med Jakub Godzimirski

I 2016 tok stater fra Øst-Europa initiativ et felles forum for økonomisk samarbeid og sikkerhet. Det nye forumet fikk raskt reaksjoner fra stormaktene internasjonalt. Kina har interesser av å knytte det opp mot sitt eget Belt and Road Initiative, samt investere i infrastruktur. USA har ingen interesse av at Kina skal kunne gjøre noe av dette, og vil bistå med olje- og gass-eksport til landene. På den andre siden har både EU og Russland har kritisert forumet for å være trussel mot eksisterende samarbeid. I dette møtet skal vi diskutere hva egentlig Three Seas Initiative er, og hvilken påvirkning det har for den internasjonale sfære .Vi har invitert Jakub Godzimirski fra NUPI for å snakke om dette temaet.

Se her for facebookarrangement: https://www.facebook.com/events/472752100640663/

Bilde: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_Bulgarian_Head_of_State_is_on_a_visit_to_Romania_to_take_part_in_the_Three_Seas_initiative_summit_2018_10.jpg og https://www.president.bg/photo-gallery4600/the-bulgarian-head-of-state-is-on-a-visit-to-romania-to-take-part-in-the-three-seas-initiative-summit.html&lang=en

8 april: Militærkupp, Myanmar og Norge – prognose og betydning for forholdet

Siden 1. februar i år har hele verden vært opptatt av det pågående militærkuppet i Myanmar, der regjeringsleder Aung San Suu Kyi og andre ledere ble arrestert av militæret. Det er nå innført et ett års unntakstilstand i landet, og vi lurer på hvilken betydning dette har for forholdet mellom Norge og Myanmar, og hvordan veien videre ser ut.

Vi inviterer alle til å bli med og høre på våres gjest og foredragsholder Audun Aagre. Han er en ekspert i temaet og er blant annet direktør av Norwegian Burma Committee (NBC) og har jobbet med saker relaterte til Myanmar siden 1994. Foredraget skjer digitalt på zoom – lenken finner dere på facebooksiden snart.

https://www.facebook.com/events/743376553015183?active_tab=about

15. april – Webinar on the Nordic Defence Cooperation

On the 15th of April invites YATA Oslo in colloboration with Foreningerne Nordens Ungdomsforbund (FNUF) to webinar on the Nordic Defence Cooperation.

“The Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO) consists of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden. The overall purpose of NORDEFCO is to strengthen the participants’ national defence, explore common synergies and facilitate efficient common solutions”. This is an excerpt of what you can find from the homepage of NORDEFCO. How has this cooperation evolved in the last decade since its beginning, and what may the future bring for Nordic defence cooperation? Join YATA Oslo and the Youth Confederation of the North, FNUF, as we learn more about NORDEFCO and Nordic defence cooperation as a whole. With us for this interesting topic we have some of the best researchers and professors from the Nordic countries.

Henri Vanhanen is a research fellow at the Finish Institute of International Affairs. He has a Master in Social Sciences from the University of Turku and his expertise is on Finnish foreign affairs, security and defence policy and transatlantic relations. In one of his recent publications, he discusses the Finnish-Swedish defense cooperation, looking at what the history can tell about future scenarios.

Håkon Lunde Saxi is an associate professor at the Norwegian Defence College. He has a Phd in political science from the University of Oslo and several years of studying abroad. Lunde Saxi has been at the Norwegian Defence School since 2009 and his expertise includes Norwegian military strategy, European political history, and the Nordic Defence Cooperation, NORDEFCO.

Eva Hagström Frisell is a Deputy Research Director at the Swedish Defence Research Agency. Her work focuses on Northern European and transatlantic security. She has written about increased Nordic defence cooperation and the role of NATO in the North.

To moderate this exciting conversation, we have Simen Medhus. He is the secretary general of FNUF, a member of YATA Oslo and a self-proclaimed “northist”. He has a master’s degree in political science from Sciences Po and has formerly worked at the Norwegian embassy in Stockholm.

Link to the event: https://www.facebook.com/events/1099100760593275/

Kinas rolle i verden og vestens svar på den

YATA Norge inviterer, i samarbeid med YATA Stavanger, til samtale om Kinas rolle og hvordan vesten svarer på Kinas økte betydning i verdenssamfunnet.


Kinas innsats for å sikre seg en større rolle på flere internasjonale arenaer har ført til at flere har stilt spørsmål knyttet til omfanget av Kinas ambisjoner og verktøyene de vil bruke for å nå målet om større inflytelse internasjonalt. Fra handel og energi til menneskerettigheter, påvirker Kinas økende status internasjonale organisasjoner. Dette seminaret vil diskutere vestens respons på Kinas voksende rolle i det internasjonale samfunnet. Til å diskutere dette har vi fått med oss Trine Skei Grande, jussprofessor Knut Einar Skodvin og Kina-ekspert Stein Tønnesson.

Knut Einar er professor ved Det juridiske fakultet i Bergen og underviser i alt fra sivil- og straffeprosess til dynamisk tingsrett og konkurs. Han har også vært dommer i Bergen tingrett. Doktoravhandlingen hans handlet om havrett og “The freedom of navigation in the Exclusive Economic Zone”. Hans forskningsarbeid i dag dreier seg hovedsakelig om folkerett med spørsmål knyttet til havrett og krigens folkerett, samt statsrettslige spørsmål om militærmakten.

Trine Skei Grande ledet Venstre ett tiår, og i 2017 tok hun partiet inn i regjering for første gang siden 2005. Trine har vært kunnskapsminister, kulturminister og visestatsminister. Nå er hun tilbake på Stortinget, der hun sitter i Utenriks- og forsvarskomiteen. Trine er ett av to norske medlemmer av den internasjonale parlamentarikerkoalisjonen som jobber for frihet og demokrati i Kina (IPAC).

Stein Dorenfeldt Tønnesson er en norsk forsker og historiker. Han var direktør for Institutt for fredsforskning (PRIO) fra 2001 til 2009. Hans viktigste forskningsarbeider gjelder revolusjon og krig i Vietnam, nasjonal identitet i Sørøst-Asia, konflikten om Sør-Kina-havet – og norsk idrettshistorie. Han har også bakgrunn som journalist i Kongsvinger. I det siste tiåret har han interessert seg sterkt for globalhistorie og globalisering.

IPOC er en internasjonal tverrpolitisk gruppe som arbeider med hvordan demokratiske land forholder seg til Kina. Medlemmer i IPOC forholder seg til følgende to prinsipper: – Demokratiske stater må opprettholde integriteten til sine politiske systemer, og aktivt søke å bevare en markedsplass for ideer uten forvrengning – En fri, åpen og rettsbasert internasjonal orden som støtter menneskeverd, som er laget og vedlikeholdt gjennom gjensidig intensjon. Opprettholdelsen av en slik orden krever at likesinnede land deltar aktivt i styring og håndhevelse.

Program for møtet:
18.00 – Introduksjon fra Karl og Jens (YATA)

18.05 – Trine innledning

18.10 – Knut Einar innledning

18.15 – Stein Tønnesson innledning

18.20-18.30 – samtale om: Kina-USA og Kina-EU (Vesten)

18.30-18.40 – samtale om Kinas faresoner: (Hong Kong, Korea, Østkinahavet, Taiwan, Sørkinahavet, Myanmar, grensen til India)

18.40-50 – samtale om dilemma: Hvordan kombinere samarbeid og kritikk?

18.50-19.00 – spørsmål fra publikum

Møtet vil bli avholdt på zoom. Se Facebook for lenke til arrangementet.

Vel møtt!

23. mars – «Hva nå, Kamala Harris?»

Den 23. mars inviterer YATA Oslo til «Hva nå, Kamala Harris?» med Christina Pletten og Hilde Restad.

Kamala Harris skapte historie da hun i fjor ble valgt inn som USAs første kvinnelige – og fargede – visepresident. Det er ikke uten sine utfordringer. Allerede har hun vært utsatt for alt fra diskriminerende og sjikanerende kommentarer under valgkampanjen til heftige diskusjoner knyttet til skovalg etter Vogue-forsiden hennes. Harris var heller ikke en selvsagt visepresidentskandidat; særlig hennes fortid som aktor for påtalemyndigheten i California høstet mye kritikk.

Så hva kan vi forvente fra Kamala Harris de neste fire årene? Hva skjer om hun må ta over presidentvervet? Og er hun en presidentkandidat demokratene kan stille seg bak i 2024?

Christina Pletten er kommentator i Aftenposten og tidligere USA-korrespondent, og har dekket fire presidentvalg. Hun har mastergrad fra New York University og har bodd hele 14 år i USA.

Hilde Restad er førsteamanuensis ved Bjørknes Høyskole hvor hun blant annet forsker på amerikansk politikk og underviser ved Peace and Conflict Studies. Restad har både master og doktorgrad i Foreign Affairs fra University of Virginia.

Arrangementet finner sted på zoom den 23. mars klokken 18:00.

Innsikt: An Eerie Echo Chamber: How the Covid-19 Pandemic Enables Radicalization

The pandemic has had a major impact on our society in several areas: social, economic, and health-wise. These consequences are well known. However, the pandemic’s impact and its effects on the threat environment in terms of security are still uncertain, and harder to predict. In its annual threat assessment, the Norwegian Police Security Service considers “the threat from extreme Islamists to have intensified due to the shutdown of communities and travel restrictions.”[1] As the world today finds itself in the wave of “personal jihad,” we should to a greater extent pay attention to how the pandemic may intersect with and exacerbate already existing drivers for violent extremism. 

Jihadism and extreme Islamism 
Jihadism is a frequently used term, but it can be defined as violent struggle for liberating the Islamic World and establish an Islamic order. The concept of jihadism is complex, and its evolution and development can be explained in different ways. Throughout history we have witnessed it in several forms, and according to Glen Robinson has its different waves been defined by differing ideas about its meaning, and the idea of jihad was in every case shaped by the crisis from which it arose.[2] Today, the world finds itself in a wave which Robinson defines as “personal jihad.” It is characterized by a more decentralized jihad and includes acts such as small-scale attacks undertaken by individuals, and small cells under the banner of global jihad.[3] The defeat of the Islamic State (ISIS) and its territorial loss marked the end of an era, and weakened its ability to perform large, coordinated attacks.[4]

Push & pull – the process of radicalization 
The process of radicalization and affiliating can be divided into “push” and “pull” factors. Push factors are factors in the individuals lives that push them out of the society, whereas pull factors are the factors that pull them towards radicalized ideologies such as ISIS.[5] The reasons why people are affiliated with ISIS, or are drawn towards violent extremism at all, are complex. Amarsingman and Dawson explain it as a merging of several recognizable factors and as “a perfect storm of diverse factors, operating in somewhat different ways and to different degrees in each case.”[6] Studies on Western ISIS-affiliates concludes differently; in some studies, the socioeconomic factors constitute the main reason for radicalization. In others, researchers find little evidence of the role of low social and economic prospects in motivating the “choice to go,” and rather more evidence of the role of religiosity.[7]

One should not underestimate religious- and ideological beliefs as a reason why many became affiliated with ISIS. Nor should one underestimate the fact that one’s socioeconomic background and corresponding factors in an individual’s life greatly contributed to “pushing” them out of society – and thereby making them more vulnerable for radicalization. Weakened pull factors do not weaken the push factors, and the underlying reasons for why people can become radicalized are still present. On the contrary, we see that the pandemic has contributed to increase differences between people in the Norwegian society. With the lockdown of the society and limitations on social interaction, it should be no surprise that this can influence the threat environment considerably. How does the pandemic affect radicalisation and violent extremist recruitment? 

William Avis emphasises that it is necessary to explore how the pandemic may intersect with and exacerbate existing “drivers”, or “push factors.”[8] He argues that increased polarisation and a clear anti-immigrant discourse are factors that contribute to the feeling of exclusion and marginalisation. Such experiences can act as a trigger for radicalisation, or push individuals who already have radical views to escalate their behaviour towards violence. This is important to pay attention to since extreme Islamist groups by themselves cannot lead people towards violent action without a particular set of enabling “push factors,” such as socio-economic, cultural, and political conditions.[9]

France is an example of a Western state which has been brutally affected by extreme Islamist terrorism. The reasons for this are complex and diverse. It is, however, also an example of a society where the political party leader, Marine Le Pen, sees “prayers and veils as symbols of a Muslim occupation,” and made it to the second round in the 2017 Presidential election with  33,9 percent of the votes.[10] There is not a causal connection between polarization and “violent extremism” though, in the sense that violent extremism may occur in a non-polarized context, just as violence does not necessarily result in growing polarization. Still, a polarized social environment serves as an enabler for “violent extremism,” and they are certainly linked.[11]

Therefore, we should to a greater extent pay attention to what contributes to the push factors. Vera Mironova argues that “not only are the policies that pushed people to start joining (ISIS) in 2013 continuing, but in many cases, they have increased in both scale and scope.»[12] She points to how Western countries refuse to repatriate its citizens suspected of involvement with ISIS and how they are stripping the accused of their citizenship, sending a message that citizens with immigrant backgrounds are second-class citizens. In the UK for instance, did Shamima Begum`s intention to return home in 2019, spark public debate. She was 15-years old when she left the country to join ISIS. In 2019, the British government both revoke her citizenship, and later stated that she would never be allowed to return.[13] This also sheds light on the discourse surrounding the children of the repatriated ISIS-affiliated Norwegian women; were they really that ill? Have DNA tests been completed to make sure that they really are Norwegian citizens? Is there actually a need for protection? 

Conclusion
The long-term consequences of the pandemic and how these will affect the threat environment concerning radicalization are uncertain. Drivers of radicalisation has already been identified; it remains to be seen how they play out over the short, medium, and long term.[14] There should be a demand for an understanding of how the pandemic may intersect with and exacerbate already existing drivers. People do not just happen to “suddenly” engage in violent extremism, they do so because they are trying to address grievances; therefore, we should to a greater extent try to identify and understand those, instead of judging all alike.[15]

This article is written by Oline Lund Knudsen, Communication Manager of YATA Oslo. The views expressed in this article is entirely the views of the author, and does not necessarily represent the views of YATA Norway.

Bibliography

Avis, William. (2020). «The COVID-19 pandemic and response on violent extremist recrruitment and radicalisation.» Institute of Development Studies.https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/20.500.12413/15322/808_COVID19%20_and_Violent_Extremism.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y

Cook, Joana. Vale, Gina. (2018). «From Daesh to Diasphora: «Tracing the Women and Minors of the Islamic State.» International Centre for the Study of Radicalization
https://icsr.info/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/ICSR-Report-From-Daesh-to-%E2%80%98Diaspora%E2%80%99-Tracing-the-Women-and-Minors-of-Islamic-State.pdf

Dawson, Lorne L. and Amarasingam, Amarnath  (2018). «I left to be closer to Allah»: Learning about Foreign Fighters from Family and Friends IDS
https://www.isdglobal.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Families_Report.pdf

Ekern, Simen. (2018). «Folket, det er meg.» Spartacus.

Mironova, Vera. (2021). «The Challenge of Foreign Fighters: Repatriating and Prosecuting ISIS Detainees.» The Middle East Institute. 
https://www.mei.edu/publications/challenge-foreign-fighters-repatriating-and-prosecuting-isis-detainees

Norwegian Police Security Service (PST). (2021). «National Threat Assessment.» PST. 
https://pst.no/alle-artikler/trusselvurderinger/nasjonal-trusselvurdering-2021/

Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). (2014) «Preventing 
           Terrorism and Countering Violent Extremism and Radicalization that Lead to 
           Terrorism: A Community-Policing Approach» OSCE.
            https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/1/d/111438.pdf

Robinson, Glen. E. (2017). The Four Waves of Global Jihad, 1979-2017. 
Middle East Policy
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/319160351_The_Four_Waves_of_Global_
Jihad_1979-2017

Tønnessen, Truls Hallberg. (2019). «The Islamic State after the Caliphate.» Perspectives on terrorism.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/26590503?refreqid=excelsior%3Aea84eb5b5eac45f
3dcf2d9732a808ee2&seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents

Wilson, Richard McNeil. Gerrand, Vivian. Scrinzi, Francesca. Triandafyllidou, Anna. (2019). «Polarisation, Violent Extremism and Resilience in Europe today: An analytical framework.» BRaVE.
 http://brave-h2020.eu/repository/D2.1_BRaVE_concept_paper_final_10Dec2019.
pdf

Wyatt, Tom. (2019). “Shamima Begum: ISIS bride will not be allowed to return to UK from
              Syria, says home secretary.” The Independent. 
              https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/shamima-begum-isis-
              bride-uk-syria-terrorism-priti-patel-home-office-a9124956.html


[1] (Norwegian Police Security Service (PST), 2021)

[2] (Robinson, 2017)

[3] Ibid

[4] Ibid

[5] (Cook, Joana and Vale, Gina. 2018)

[6] (Dawson, Lorne L. and Amarasingam, Amarnath. 2018)

[7] Ibid

[8] (Avis, 2020)

[9] (Wilson, Richard McNeil. Gerrand, Vivian. Scrinzi, Francesca. Triandafyllidou, Anna. 2019)

[10] (Ekern, 2018)

[11] (Wilson, Richard McNeil. Gerrand, Vivian. Scrinzi, Francesca. Triandafyllidou, Anna. 2019)

[12] (Mironova, 2021)

[13] (Wyatt, 2019)

[14] (Mironova, 2021)

[15] (OSCE, 2014)

Concept of war. People with weapons, armed protest, terrorists. The puppeteer controls the doll with gun, the provoker leads crowd of people with weapons.

Welcome to Nordic Security Conference 2021!

We are pleased to welcome you to Nordic Security Conference 2021. In less than an hour we will open the conference an stream from our Facebook-page. Here you can find the stream or on Youtube.

Promovideo made by Windstad Media.

Program:

Speakers

Some of our speakers. Read about all of our speakers here.

Social media

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Marte Ziolkowski

Marte Ziolkowski, Political Advisor at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Photo: Regjeringen.no

Marte Ziolkowski has served as political adviser to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs since 2019. She was acting State Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs from October 2020 until January 2021. Previously, she has served as
political adviser to the Minister of Defence (2016; 2017-2019). She has also
worked as foreign policy adviser (2016-2017) to The Conservative Party’s
parliamentary group and as information adviser (2013-2016) at the Norwegian
Atlantic Committee.


Ms. Ziolkowski holds an MsC (Politics and Government in the EU) from the
London School of Economics, and a BA (Administration and Organisation
Theory) from the University of Bergen.

Najet Zammouri

Najet Zammouri, Vice President of Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH). Nobel Peace Prize recipient, 2015.

Photo: privat

Najet Zammouri is a Tunisian HR and feminist activist since the 90’s, fighting for Democracy, rule of law, the abolishion of the death penalty , total gender equality and spreading the culture of HR. Currently , the vice president of The Tunisian Human Rights League , a national HR organization laureate of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2015 , focal point in Tunisia of the African Parlement of CSO, bord member of Women’s March Global, SOS-Torture OMCT Network member. Author of several tribunes related to HR. Speaker both on national and international level.